Which party will gain most seats in Russian Parliamentary Election?
I lean No, with United Russia at about 42% to gain the most seats. It is still the dominant party and looks well positioned to control the next Duma, but the seat-gain framing gives smaller challengers, especially New People, more room to outperform it.
Analysis
Recent polling still gives United Russia the lead, but not an overwhelming one: WCIOM's 5 July ratings put it at 34.6%, with New People at 11.5%, LDPR at 10.4%, CPRF at 10.3%, and A Just Russia at 5.4%. WCIOM's 2 July election review says awareness of the vote and declared turnout are rising, and it explicitly says the main contest is now the fight for second place, which suggests the party system is settling into a familiar fragmented pattern rather than a broad anti-incumbent surge. New People also appears to have edged ahead of the Communists in popularity, which matters because any incremental seat gains are more likely to be distributed among the smaller parties than to dramatically change United Russia's already dominant position.
The key wrinkle for this market is that it is about seat gains, not seat totals. United Russia already holds 321 of 450 Duma seats, and the election will be run under the usual mixed system of 225 single-member districts and 225 list seats, so the ruling party starts from a much higher base than any challenger. In practice, that means United Russia can still win the election while being outgained by a smaller party, because a party such as New People can add more seats from a lower starting point if it keeps consolidating voters who want an alternative but do not want to vote outright opposition. That is exactly what happened in 2021, when United Russia remained dominant but lost 19 seats, while the Communists, A Just Russia, and New People all gained seats.
There are still meaningful pro-United Russia forces. The party has launched a highly visible campaign slate featuring senior Kremlin figures, a war veteran, and a war correspondent, and Reuters reported that despite war, fuel shortages, and weaker polling, the party is still likely to secure a large majority thanks to Putin's support and a tame parliamentary opposition. The new constituency map and broader use of electronic voting also create structural advantages for the ruling party. My inference, however, is that those advantages are more likely to preserve United Russia's dominance than to guarantee it posts the single biggest seat gain, because the most room for growth still appears to be with New People or, to a lesser extent, the Communists.
Arguments
For
- United Russia still leads every rival in current vote-intention polling, which gives it the best chance to translate campaign control into a net seat increase.
- The party's candidate slate mixes top Kremlin loyalists with war veterans and television figures, which should help mobilize its base and reinforce state-backed legitimacy.
- Electronic voting and the redesigned constituency map give the ruling party additional structural tools to maximize district-level outcomes.
- Opposition fragmentation makes it hard for any single rival to build a seat-gain surge large enough to clearly beat United Russia.
Against
- United Russia already starts from a very high seat baseline, so a smaller party needs only a modest breakthrough to outgain it.
- New People looks like the likeliest beneficiary of incremental protest or anti-establishment voters, and WCIOM shows it ahead of the Communists in current support.
- In the last Duma election, United Russia lost seats even while retaining control, showing that the biggest seat gainer does not have to be the incumbent.
- War-related disruption, economic stress, and approval fatigue could keep United Russia's net seat change smaller than that of a faster-growing challenger.
Key drivers
- The ruling party's polling lead is still materially larger than that of any individual competitor.
- The campaign is being run with strong Kremlin involvement and a legitimacy-building wartime narrative.
- Administrative advantages such as turnout management and electronic voting favor the incumbent.
- The opposition is split among several system parties, which reduces the chance of a single large challenger surge.
Risk factors
- New People could keep absorbing vote share faster than United Russia expands its own seat total.
- Because United Russia already controls most of the chamber, its incremental upside is capped compared with smaller parties.
- If economic or war-related dissatisfaction rises further, the ruling party's gains could flatten or reverse.
- Any local district losses or candidate missteps could be enough to let another party finish with the biggest positive seat change.
Scenarios
Best case
United Russia converts its polling lead, campaign machinery, and district advantages into a clear net seat increase that exceeds every rival, even if the margin is only modest.
Most likely
United Russia remains the dominant force and probably retains the most seats overall, but the biggest incremental seat gain is slightly more likely to belong to a smaller party than to United Russia.
Worst case
New People or the Communists posts a larger seat gain from a smaller base while United Russia merely holds steady or even slips relative to its current position.
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