Will Israel and Saudi Arabia normalize relations during Trump's term?
**Independent assessment:** I assign a 65% probability that Israel and Saudi Arabia will normalize relations before Jan 20, 2029 — more likely than not, driven by shared security interests, strong U.S. leverage and incentives, and Saudi economic and diplomatic pragmatism, though the Palestinian issue and possible regional shocks remain substantial obstacles.
Analysis
**Stage 1 — Blind analysis (ignore market price):**
Based on historical patterns through mid-2024 and the strategic incentives available to all parties, normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia is plausible within a ~3-year window. The principal drivers toward normalization are long-standing and structural: a mutual strategic alignment against Iran, Israel's desire to consolidate regional legitimacy after the Abraham Accords, Saudi ambitions to diversify and modernize its economy and security partnerships, and the strong influence the United States typically exerts (including arms sales, security guarantees and economic carrots). Saudi leadership under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has repeatedly shown willingness to prioritize geopolitical and economic goals over traditional constraints; normalization would deliver security and economic benefits that map onto his priorities.
However, powerful headwinds remain. Saudi public opinion, the role of religious authorities, and Riyadh's repeated public linkage of normalization to meaningful Palestinian progress create political and reputational costs. Israel's domestic politics (coalition stability, settlement policy) can complicate Riyadh's calculus if Israel is seen as failing to provide credible Palestinian concessions. Additionally, the path to a deal often runs through opaque, slow-moving, and conditional negotiation tracks; many previous predictions have underestimated how long those processes take. Finally, the risk of regional escalation (e.g., major Israel–Iran confrontation, or a large Gaza/West Bank war) can postpone or derail talks.
Balancing these forces I place the independent probability at **65%**. That reflects a view that the incentives and precedents for a deal are strong and will likely overcome friction within a ~3-year window, but not assured — important political and security conditions must be met.
**Stage 2 — Market calibration (compare to current market price Yes: 0.47 / No: 0.53):**
The market currently prices Yes at 47%, almost a coin flip. My independent estimate (65%) is significantly higher. Possible reasons for the market's lower price:
- The market may overweight the Palestinian issue and public-opinion/religious backlash risk, undercounting Riyadh's demonstrated pragmatism and the many ways normalization can be staged (e.g., security- and economic-first steps leading to eventual formal recognition). - Market participants might be pricing in nontrivial political-risk scenarios (major conflict in the region, or a disruptive pivot in U.S. policy) that I view as lower-probability or surmountable with diplomatic mitigation. - Some participants may be uncertain about the stability or existence of a U.S. presidency able/willing to push a deal; if traders are unsure Trump will still be in office and focused on Middle East diplomacy, they may down-weight U.S. leverage.
At the same time, the market could be correctly cautious for reasons that temper my optimism:
- The conditionality Riyadh places on Palestinian progress could require public Israeli moves that are politically difficult for Israeli governments; if Israel does not or cannot make those moves, normalization stalls. - High-profile regional shocks (major Israel–Iran escalation, a severe Gaza war) before 2029 would substantially reduce the probability, and markets often price in tail risks more aggressively than structural analysis.
In short, I think the market is underpricing the probability by perhaps ~15–20 points because it underestimates the size and potency of U.S. incentives and Riyadh's pragmatic calculus. But I acknowledge legitimate reasons for caution, so I do not put probability near certainty.
Arguments
For
- Shared strategic incentive against Iran — both states gain from deeper intelligence, missile/air-defense cooperation and coordinated deterrence.
- High-value economic/technological benefits for Saudi Arabia (investment, cybersecurity, agriculture, water/tech) and for Israel (Gulf markets, airspace access).
- Proven U.S. willingness to broker and incentivize Arab–Israeli normalization (Abraham Accords precedent); a politically motivated U.S. administration could accelerate a deal.
- Saudi leadership has repeatedly shown pragmatic, transactional diplomacy and has modernizing domestic economic goals that normalization would advance.
- Normalization can be staged incrementally (back-channel security ties, overflight and air routes, economic agreements, then formal recognition), increasing the chance of at least de facto normalization by 2029.
Against
- Saudi public opinion and the regime’s need for religious legitimacy create a reputational cost; Riyadh has publicly tied normalization to 'credible progress' for Palestinians.
- Israel may be unwilling or unable to deliver the specific public concessions Riyadh demands (e.g., meaningful measures on settlements or Palestinian autonomy).
- A major regional shock (large-scale conflict involving Iran, or a severe Gaza war) could freeze or reverse progress toward normalization.
- Domestic political instability in Israel (frequent elections, volatile coalitions) can derail sustained diplomacy or produce leaders who reject concessions.
- The opaque nature of Saudi decision-making and risk aversion at key moments can produce long delays even when strategic alignment exists.
Key drivers
- U.S. incentives and diplomatic campaign (arms sales, security guarantees, investment packages).
- Saudi internal political calculus and legitimacy management under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
- Israeli political willingness to offer credible concessions or public framing to satisfy Saudi political needs.
- Regional security dynamics—especially Iranian behavior and any major Israel–Iran escalations.
- Precedent and momentum from the Abraham Accords and existing clandestine security/economic cooperation.
Risk factors
- A major Israel–Palestinian military escalation that hardens Saudi public and elite opposition to normalization.
- A sudden change in Saudi domestic politics (e.g., influential clerical pushback or a shift in leadership priorities).
- Unpredictable U.S. policy shifts or a weaker-than-expected U.S. capacity/interest to offer sufficient inducements.
- Israeli domestic politics producing policies (expanded settlement activity, inflammatory rhetoric) that make Riyadh politically unable to normalize.
- Wider regional realignments (e.g., Saudi rapprochement with Iran or a different Gulf pivot) that reduce Riyadh’s need for an Israeli security partnership.
Scenarios
Best case
Full formal normalization announced publicly before Jan 20, 2029: exchange of ambassadors, embassies opened, air links and major bilateral economic/security agreements signed. The U.S. provides a visible package of security guarantees and economic incentives that allow both sides to sell the deal domestically, and limited Palestinian-facing concessions are arranged to blunt regional criticism.
Most likely
A stepped or de-facto normalization path: deepening covert security cooperation and clear economic integration (overflight, trade pacts, energy/tech deals) with high-level visits and partial public accommodations but without full embassy exchanges or a headline-grabbing formal recognition until after 2029 (or only formal recognition narrowly before the deadline). Alternatively, formal normalization could happen if the U.S. bundles sufficiently attractive incentives and Israel offers politically viable, visible concessions tied to Palestinian confidence-building.
Worst case
No movement: public Saudi refusal to normalize, pacing tied indefinitely to Palestinian developments, and a regional escalation (major Israel–Iran confrontation or a large Gaza war) that makes any rapprochement politically impossible through 2029. Covert ties may continue, but no formal diplomatic recognition occurs.
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